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Tsvangirai’s Challenge, and the World’s Failure

June 30th, 2008 by scott

Hi all,

I hope that you have been following the Zimbabwean elections; it’s been all over the news.  Sadly, the results weren’t good, and Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party created an environment extremely unconducive to a free and fair election.  He won with 85% of the vote; obviously a sham.

Below is an op-ed I wrote that I’ve been circulating around.  It’s pretty harsh, but I think some of this needed to be said.

Tsvangirai’s Challenge, and the World’s Failure

When opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai decided to withdraw from the second round of Zimbabwe’s presidential election, he essentially provided the international community with a historical challenge. Tsvangirari knew that he had no chance at winning the runoff, and his decision fully acknowledged President Robert Mugabe’s stranglehold on power.  His departure from the race constituted a direct appeal to the international community. Tsvangirai acknowledged that he could not save Zimbabwe from Mugabe’s oppressive rule by himself; he needed outside support.  But, as Mugabe and his cronies blissfully proceeded with the illegitimate election, the international community delivered its tragic response to Morgan’s challenge: we want to help, but we have no idea how.

On a trip to Zimbabwe last month, I met with opposition party activists and Members of Parliament.  Frightened of possible repercussions that would accompany being discovered with westerners in downtown Harare, our meetings were held in clandestine coffee shops and in the back of taxicabs.  The talks resulted in a familiar refrain: the opposition, which overwhelmingly won the March 29 presidential and parliamentary elections, had been thwarted in rightly assuming power and needed the international community to intervene to restore the rightful order in the country.  When pushed, however, my interlocutors could not articulate the form of this intervention.

Tsvangirai’s challenge, echoed by opposition members throughout my meetings, is motivated by the idealistic foreign policy rhetoric that has surfaced in the post-Rwanda years.  Embarrassed by his organization’s complete failure to end a genocide that resulted in 800,000 deaths in 1994, former United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan commissioned a group of foreign policy experts to design a doctrine that would prevent future humanitarian neglect.  The result, coined the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), asserted that if a state was unwilling or unable to protect its population from suffering serious harm, then it ceded its sovereignty to the international community.   The actualization of this concept would have represented a monumental shift, resulting in an international community that no longer allowed the tragic Rwandas of the world to occur.

Indeed, activists protesting against the ongoing genocide in Darfur have frequently cited R2P as their “Bible”, using the doctrine to support their argument that the international community should do more to halt the atrocities inflicted by the Sudanese government.  These activists believe there has been some acceptance of the principle, citing the deployment of a UN peacekeeping force and increased political pressure on the Sudanese government as evidence of the doctrine’s slow evolution towards an international norm.  Recent events in Zimbabwe, however, has tragically demonstrated that R2P is currently little more than an idealistic slogan with little applicability in the harsh real world of international politics.

Tsvangirai’s departure directly pleaded with the international community to uphold its responsibility to protect the innocent civilians currently exposed to violence and hunger in Zimbabwe.  As Mugabe’s government overtly targeted Zimbabwean citizens who supported the opposition with beatings, torture, and killings, the opposition realized it was helpless to protect itself.  They idealistically turned to the rest of the world for help.

The European Union, the U.S., the Southern African Development Community, and some of Zimbabwe’s neighbors have responded with strong rhetoric, condemning the violence and emphasizing that a credible election under the current circumstances was not possible.   This rhetoric, however, has not been met with effective action.  Mugabe has brushed off long-standing targeted sanctions—which restrict travel and freeze assets of regime insiders–, and even further consolidated his power while using the economic restrictions as a scapegoat for Zimbabwe’s collapsing economy, including its virtually unprecedented hyperinflation rate (now close to 4 million percent).  While Mugabe claimed that his tremendous victory at the polls gives him a mandate for another six years, the international community decried his victory because of the farce of an election.  It is unlikely this will provoke real change.

The West and a growing number of African countries are united in their opinion that Mugabe and his cabal must leave power to give way to the political and economic reform necessary to restore the livelihood of millions of Zimbabweans.  Political rhetoric and targeted sanctions have proved ineffective, and there is little left in the international community’s armory.

We want to adhere to the idealistic premise articulated by the Responsibility to Protect.  The unanswered question is how to achieve this.  We know we need to do more, but do not know what to do.  As Tsangirai’s challenge goes unanswered, the Zimbabwe opposition continues to be decimated, and the Zimbabwean people continue to suffer.   Simply, the world is failing its responsibility to the people of Zimbabwe.

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An Update

June 23rd, 2008 by scott

Hi all,

I apologize for the delay in posting.  Colin and I have both been in Addis, Ababa, Ethiopia, with very infrequent access to internet.

I’m currently in the airport in Amsterdam, Holland.  Given that we left Chad early, we both left Ethiopia early.  Colin is in Tanzania now, and I’m on my way back to the US.  Our “official” trip is officially over, as we both get to the rest of our summers.

I have a lot more sentiments that I’ve yet to express, so I’ll be posting them on the blog in the next few days.  After that, I do have some interest in making this an information/analysis blog.  For instance, Zimbabwe is afire again (the opposition pulled out of the election) and I’d love to be able to have a forum to educate people and post my own thoughts (as STAND people know I did way too much of last year).  Let me know if there’s an interest for that.  If there’s not, I might anyways, for my own pleasure!

Anyways, please keep reading over the next few days, stay posted on Zimbabwe and Chad, and let us know what you see as the future of the blog.
Scott

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What I learned

June 18th, 2008 by scott

So, by now, you know that we weren’t able to visit any refugee camps. To echo the chorus, obviously it’s extremely disappointing. Colin and I were both looking forward to meeting the people that we, and thousands of students, had been working for, and bringing their stories back to inspire and inform our activism. But, I will be back. This cause means to much to me to abandon the people.

It would be a mistake, however, to cast the entire experience as a failure. Despite the fact that a large majority of our time was spent in a fitness center, I do feel like I learned a few lessons that can help inform our actions in the future.

The first is one that Colin touched on his last post. When I first got involved in this conflict, it was all about Darfur. All we talked about were the dreadful statistics coming out of Darfur, and analyzed what we could do to improve the situation for the Darfurians. We can’t continue to think of the conflict like that. The rebellion and unstable situation in Chad directly impacts the situation in Darfur, just like the problems in South Sudan. The Central African Republic is similarly unstable. In order to successfully improve the lives of millions of Darfurians in the long-term, we must also seek to address the conflict in Chad. The Sudanese government funds the Chadian rebels, and hundreds of thousands of Darfurians are stranded in Chad. They’re tied together at the hip.

I think it’s also important to recognize the importance in dealing with the structural problems that have formed this conflict. Humanitarian aid is extremely important to immediate refugee survival. Protection will allow many to return home in peace, but similarly, is a band-aid solution. In order to secure long-term peace, we need to recognize the rift between the Sudanese and the Darfurians, the Chadian rebels and the Chadian government, and the Chadians and the Sudanese. There are a lot of unhappy, conflicting parties at the table, and we need to recognize the importance of all of their needs, or this conflict won’t go away anytime soon.

This trip also demonstrated the difficulties in working in this region. While we were in Abeche, most humanitarian flights stopped, and a lot of UNHCR staff was pulled back from the camps. Thus, the refugees weren’t getting the care they deserved because of the conflict in Chad. Additionally, the rebels looted several camps, destroying rations and supplies, putting the refugees in peril as the rainy season approaches. The rebel movement greatly impedes the work of humanitarians, which in turn, makes the job of helping refugees even harder.

Again, the fact that we didn’t meet any refugees is disappointing. But the trip, in a way, strengthened my resolve to fight on during this conflict. I do so, however, knowing that my efforts must encompass the entire region. I also do so knowing that change will not occur quickly. We must appreciate the small steps along the way; money appropriated towards humanitarian aid, protection officers on the ground, peace talks amongst the rebel groups. Solving this multi-country conflict won’t be easy, and it won’t happen tomorrow, or the next day, or the next day. But if we keep up our efforts, we can achieve peace for Sudan, Chad, and the rest of the region. It just will take time, energy, and a little bit of patience. After all, this is Africa.

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Colin’s Journal

June 18th, 2008 by colin

It looks like there’s no longer a chance that we can make it out to refugee camps this time. After spending so much time getting permits, talking to officials, and waiting for flights that never left, it’s frustrating to see it slip from our fingers when we came close so many times. I’m trying not to get too disappointed though, because as we keep telling ourselves, this is Chad. I know (knock on wood) that G and KTJ will have better luck next time, and I’m sure I’ll be out here again sometime.

We’ve been writing a lot about what goes on in Chad this trip, and many of our readers are primarily focused on resolving the situation in Darfur. I hope this hasn’t disappointed anybody, but one thing this trip has emphasized for me is how much of a regional conflict this is. When I first started as an activist, I tended to isolate the conflict to just Darfur. As I learned more, I started to think of it in terms of an “all-Sudan solution.” Being in Chad and learning about refugee camps, funding, rebels and the Central African Republic has drove home how important it is to think of this as a regional conflict.

The relationship between Sudan and Chad has gone from precarious to officially severed in recent months, and this is a dangerous situation for the thousands that are still fleeing from violence in Darfur. What happens if Chad suddenly refuses to accept any more refugees? I’m not sure that the government has the capacity to enforce this, but it would certainly make the work of UNHCR harder because they have play by the Chadian government’s rules while here.

Refugees from the Central African Republic are flowing into southern Chad, stretching UNHCR resources and creating a belt of camps that circles nearly half of the country. UNHCR efforts in the south are poorly funded, in part because the side of the conflict receives less attention. I should note that this is no criticism, but should be taken as a reflection on what it really takes to get adequate funding for these efforts. Because the camps cover such a large area in Chad now, it is harder for EUFOR to protect all the refugees at once.

Rebels in Chad and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) in Darfur are constantly clashing with their respective governments, but their relationship is not easy to understand. Irish forces were taking gunfire from rebels in refugee camps outside of Goz Beida recently, and it’s difficult to make sense of why the camps would be a target. What may be even more dangerous for the refugees is the reality that aid workers are often evacuated if there is danger to their life. Without flights to the camps and aid workers operating on the ground, refugees can’t get food, water or medical supplies.

It still isn’t easy for me to wrap my mind around the entirety of this conflict. There are so many different players, and it seems like their relationships are always in flux. However, I feel like my understanding is deepening the more I try to understand what’s going on in Darfur in the context of the entire region. A true solution to this problem will undoubtedly encompass more than just this relatively small region. Now we just have to hope that instability throughout the region doesn’t hurt Darfur any more than it already it is.

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Colin’s Journal

June 15th, 2008 by colin

SelmaI was hoping that this would be my first journal where I could tell you what it felt like to be sitting down with refugees that I’ve been working to help for years. That I could finally say that Scott and I had represented the thousands of students working to bring peace to the region. That we could finally show you a video where the refugees could tell you what they really needed, not politicians or NGOs. Unfortunately, thing in Chad do not go as planned.

Despite waking up today to a phone call that we would be heading out to Goz Beida within hours, we soon learned that rebels had attacked the city and we’d be stuck in Abeche until at least Monday. We’re living in a small room in the UNHCR fitness center, which is well equipped with AC, a toilet and 3 mattresses. Compared to most of the UNHCR workers who had to evacuate their homes last night, we’ve got it pretty good here. Needless to say, it’s going to get old pretty quickly, but we could be a lot worse off.

The idea of looking forward to something has been on my mind a lot today. Personally, I’m looking forward to getting out of Abeche, to eventually spending some time in Tanzania at the end of the summer, to seeing my family in August and to getting back to Brown again. I am almost completely certain that all of those things are going to happen. I’m trying to imagine the kinds of things that I would be looking forward to if I were a refugee.

I imagine that fleeing Darfur to go into Chad, I would be looking forward an end to violence. Irish EUFOR troops had to defend refugee camps in Djabal today, because they were under attack from armed soldiers in the east. Violence, it seems, is ubiquitous in the region. I think I would be looking forward to educating my children and regaining some sense of normalcy. But, with insufficient resources and constant violence, it’s difficult to establish a reliable infrastructure in most refugee camps. I would certainly be looking forward to returning to my home, whatever was left of it. For refugees that have been in camps for 4 or 5 years, this hope would certainly be hard to hold onto.

Looking forward to something that you know is going to happen is a real comfort, one that I think many refugees can’t enjoy. The international community seems unable to make any real promises to the refugees that they can uphold. Without the promise of peace or a safe return home, what is there to look forward to? Although I’m not sure when, I know that with enough pressure on our governments, we will be able to finally make these promises and start giving the refugees something to look forward to

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Scott’s Journal

June 15th, 2008 by scott
fitness center Another day, another day slightly stuck. Frustrating has become the word of the week, so I’ll try to refrain from using it here. And today, like basically everyday since we’ve been here, was up and down. We woke up pleasantly surprised that we were booked on a flight out to Goz Beida to finally get to a refugee camp. Hours later, we were back in our fitness center, which has doubled nicely as our home. It’s actually quite nice to work out on the bike, and then be able to lie in bed minutes later ;)The reality is, however, that we’re in the midst of a situation that carries great ramifications for the entire region. Undoubtedly, the rebels currently ransacking the region and heading for the capital of N’djamena are, in part, armed by the same Sudanese government carrying out the genocide in Darfur and threatening to engage in another war in the South. As a BBC article pointed out, this is a war being waged between Khartoum and N’djamena, and fought by proxies. It’s scary, not for us, but for the innocent people being exposed to this sort of violence through no fault of their own.

The coming days will demonstrate the extent of damage these atrocities will cause throughout the region. If the rebels are fought back, then Sudan and Chad will continue their hostile behavior towards each other, which has led to a cessation of all diplomatic relations. And if the rebels somehow take over the country, there will be deep ramifications for the Sudanese refugees harbored inside of Chad. I wish I could say it was exciting to be in the middle of this important situation, but we’re basically getting our news from the same place that you all are.

c s walk to unhcrThe saddest part about the whole mess is the individuals it affects. Every Chadian we talk to is saddened by the situation, and claims to want peace. The conflict is being perpetrated by a few power-hungry individuals that will stop at nothing, including killing and harming individual civilians, in order to fulfill their desire to wish the top. I feel that oftentimes, when the international community sees a situation like the current one in Chad, they remark that it’s “another African disaster.” The problem is that this does not reflect the majority of the African people; it reflects the power-hungry few. It’s a perception we need to shake.

So, another day of disappointments, but we are safe. Please monitor the unfolding events in Chad, not just for our purposes, but for the sake of the hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians in harm’s way. And remember, this isn’t another African hopeless situation. It’s one that the international community can play its part in helping to rectify.

Scott

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Colin’s journal

June 14th, 2008 by colin

ktj col in carIt’s getting late, and my computer is running low on battery, so I’ll keep this entry short. It’s been a really long day, and the heat has gotten to me a bit, but you’ve heard all the details from everyone else. Although the day started off well with a Celtics victory, it finished out pretty rough.

It is disappointing that we haven’t seen any refugees yet, but the interviews with UNHCR officials and local Chadians have been informing. I also am grateful that, despite the instability throughout the region, we are all safe here. All is peaceful from our small resting facilities in the UNHCR gym; it doesn’t seem like any unrest is occurring throughout the rest of the country. I hope that it stays that way; both for our sake and for the many innocent Chadians throughout the region.

Please keep posted both through the news and the site. I am sure everything will turn out alright, but we appreciate all of your good thoughts as we wait for further moves on our end.

Colin

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Scott’s Journal

June 14th, 2008 by scott

abeche street 3It’s been an eventful, uneventful day. Waking up after a rough night’s sleep, accentuated by the very vivid dreams produced by my weekly malaria medication, I had high hopes that we would soon be finally seeing refugees. Despite hearing the bad news that the Boston Celtics had taken a three to one lead over the Los Angeles Lakers in the NBA Finals (bad news to everyone except to Colin), I remained optimistic. We were going to have a good day. Hell, we had to catch a break or two. Plus, it was my mom’s birthday (I think she turned 35, maybe a year or two younger). So all was going to work out well.

As you probably know by now, the day did not unfold in the ideal manner. Our plane didn’t leave, and despite the fact that we quickly made alternate plans to visit the Farcihana camp tomorrow, rebel movement in the East looks to have further complicated our trip. While we talked about sugar-coating the news, we decided to give it all out; I’m writing this from the gym of the Abeche UNHCR, where we’ll be spending the night. We have better accommodations than most people; I actually just used some of the gym facilities and took a quick bucket-shower, and feel great. We don’t know what next steps will be. But I feel safe.

It’s a weird feeling right now. We’re hearing reports of rebel activity throughout the East, but here, it’s mostly peaceful. There’s no sounds in the air, we’re all relaxing.

I talked to several Chadians throughout the day in my high-school level French; while all expressed concern that the rebels would be coming, none seem too worried. It’s a little sad that this insecurity has become such a part of their lives that they seem largely oblivious to any further activity. It’s just part of life at this point. It’s interesting, because as Americans, we frequently hear about the politics of fear, and how it can be used to exploit us. There is no politics of fear in Chad; the people are used to it. UNHCR representatives even refer to the rebels as “visitors.”

Obviously, I’m pretty disappointed that we didn’t see refugees today, and there’s a pretty distinct possibility it won’t happen this trip. The fact is, however, it’s out of our control. We knew we’d have to take chances in coming to an unstable region like Chad. And while I’m hoping against all hope that something finally breaks our way, I know I’ll be back. This cause means too much for me to leave it behind.

At the same time, however, I do feel safe. We’re in the UNHCR gym, close to the airport. I don’t think it’s a question of whether we’ll be safe; we will be. We’re being taken care of. The refugees, however, are still stuck. They don’t get preferential treatment when insecurity hits the region; they’re forced to stay where they are. Not only are they stuck in refugee camps, but they’re stuck in refugee camps in one of the most unstable countries in the world. If the UN pulls out its staff, it is only the refugees that suffer. But I’ll be heading home comfortably soon.

It’s really hard to describe how I feel right now, because it’s such a conglomeration of everything. I’m disappointed, but relieved that we’re safe. I’m exhausted, but raring to go. I’m concerned, but hopeful. We’ll keep you all posted. In the meantime, don’t worry about us, we’ll be fine. But do worry about the refugees. Because their safety is much less guaranteed.

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Colin’s Day 4 Journal

June 13th, 2008 by colin

C plane ABEIt feels great to finally be en route to Goz Beida and some refugee camps. Even though it’s another travel day and we only made it to Abeche, I was starting to doubt whether we would actually be able to leave N’Djamena. We’re out tomorrow on an afternoon flight, but we should be able to at least get a few hours in the camps, and hopefully see some of Gabriel and KTJ’s old friends.

Although we weren’t able to actually talk to refugees today, we did have one powerful experience that is worth noting. We found out that our fixer in Abeche held on to some panels for Tents of Hope that were left behind in January. One side of the panels was decorated by an elementary school in the US, and the other side by refugees in the camps. Once completed, the panels will be put together to make a tent.

1 Abballah 1Although we had heard that refugee children had painted war scenes before, seeing these panels made it real for me. The juxtaposition of one side of the panel, decorated with peace signs and hearts by US children, to the other, decorated with guns, bombs and helicopters by refugees, was shocking. Gabriel and KTJ simply asked these kids to draw, and the first things that they put together were scenes of their family running from soldiers and being shot. This is a depressing reflection on the emotional state and mental heath of these children.

If grade school students are more inclined to draw death than anything else, there is surely some significant emotional damage that needs to be addressed. Even more upsetting than the fact that this damage exists is the glaring lack of therapy or counseling. When aid organizations evacuate all “non-essential” personnel, social works or psychiatrists that work with children do not make the list. In my opinion, those that can work with the future leaders of Darfur and help resolve emotional damage are essential. But as refugee camps slowly turn into semi-permanent establishments, important services like schools and counseling are slow to develop. Food, health care and protection should always come first, but the services that make up a functional social fabric must not be forgotten. This is vital for nobody more than the children who are spending some of their most crucial years in camps.

Colin

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Scott’s Day 4 Journal

June 13th, 2008 by scott

S plane ABEIt was great to get out of N’djamena today, even if it required a plane ride that almost made me lose my breakfast (which consisted of a Cliffs granola bar). While I’m excited to get to the refugee camps tomorrow (finally!), I am nervous for a plane that will be smaller and a ride that will be bumpier; I was born with a large tendency towards motion sickness, apparently.

One of the things I’ve been asking myself a lot, as we get ready to meet refugees, is the ramifications of meeting Sudanese refugees in Eastern Chad. I think this is something that we have a tendency to gloss over; it’s easy to throw out the statistics that 2.5 million Darfurians have been displaced, and 90% of villages in the region have been destroyed, but those numbers carry far deeper ramifications.

It’s astonishing if you think about it for a second; 250,000 Darfurians are now living in Chad. Obviously, this is difficult for the Sudanese, who must leave everything they know behind them and embark for a foreign land. Furthermore, despite the brutal treatment they’ve gone through, many of them still carry nationalistic pride towards their native home. But it’s also hard for native Chadians; all of a sudden there are a quarter of a million people in your backyard, sharing your resources and occupying the attention of the entire international community. That’s not an easy thing to deal with, and I hope we can talk to some native Chadians about this situation, in addition to the Darfurian refugees.

The other problem lies with the “permanency” of the camps. When there’s not protection, the refugees are forced to stay in Chad, rather than risking everything to return home. Organizations like the UNHCR have done an admirable job in keeping people alive and stable. Problematically, however, if the refugees aren’t returned home, they can develop a dependency on the aid organizations. We’ve seen this over and over again throughout recent history; Somalia in the ‘90’s provides a good example.

I don’t think this is the fault of the humanitarian organizations; they are set up to focus on immediate refugee needs, not structural problems, like a lack of protection. But this also links to the lack of developmental and institutional infrastructure that Colin mentioned. While refugees in Chad require more than basic needs, in the form of services like counseling and basic institutional building, I can see why developmental groups would be apprehensive to go into an area that is defined as temporary. And W\without infrastructure and institutions, you get the problems of dependency; it’s a vicious circle.

The circle, however, can end with a viable protection force. As a conclusion to the North-South Civil War in Sudan, a robust international protection force accompanied the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. As a result, developmental groups flooded the region. I interned with an organization, the National Democratic Institute, last year that fit this mold. They now have a huge presence in the South, building up democratic institutions from the bottom up. This will be necessary in Eastern Chad, and in Darfur. But in order for any sort of development to occur, there needs to be a viable protection force. And it’s absurd that it still doesn’t exit.

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